The fitness movement that began in the late 1960s and early 1970s centered around aerobic exercise. Millions of individuals became (1) in a variety of aerobic activities, and (2) thousands of health spas (3) around the country to capitalize on this (4) interest in fitness, particularly aerobic dancing for females. A number of fitness spas existed (5) to this aerobic fitness movement, even a national chain with spas in most major cities. However, their (6) was not on aerobics, (7) on weight-training programs de signed to develop muscular mass, (8) , and endurance in their primarily male (9) These fitness spas did not seem to benefit (10) from the aerobic fitness movement to bet ter health, since medical opinion suggested that weight-training programs (11) few, if (12) , health benefits. In recent years, however, weight training has again become in creasingly (13) for males and for females. Many (14) programs focus not only on devel oping muscular strength and endurance but on aerobic fitness as well. (15) , most physi cal-fitness tests have usually included measures of muscular strength and endurance, not for health-related reasons, but primarily (16) such fitness components have been related to (17) in athletics. (18) , in recent years, evidence has shown that training programs designed primarily to improve muscular strength and endurance might also offer some health (19) as well. The American College of Sports Medicine now (20) that weight training be part of a total fitness program for healthy Americans.

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【单选题】Questions 11 to 18 are based on the conversation you have just heard.

There is a traffic jam.

It’s less expensive.

It’s more direct.

It’s faster.

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【单选题】What the author wants to suggest may be best interpreted as（） A. "Crime doesn’t pay." B. "Haste makes waste." C. "Look before you leap." D. "Like father, like son."

President Bush takes to the bully pulpit to deliver a stern lecture to America’s business elite. The Justice Dept. stuns the accounting profession by filing a criminal indictment of Arthur Andersen LLP for destroying documents related to its audits of Enron Corp. On Capitol Hill, some congressional panels push on with biased hearings on Enron’s collapse and, now, another busted New Economy star, telecom’s Global Crossing. Lawmakers sign on to new bills aimed at tightening oversight of everything from pensions and accounting to executive pay.

To any spectators, it would be easy to conclude that the winds of change are sweeping Corporate America, led by George W. Bush, who ran as "a reformer with result." But far from deconstructing the corporate world brick by brick into something cleaner, sparer, and stronger, Bush aides and many legislators are preparing modest legislative and administrative reforms. Instead of an overhaul, Bush’s team is counting on its enforcers, Justice and a newly empowered Securities & Exchange Commission, to make examples of the most egregious offenders. The idea is that business will quickly get the message and clean up its own act.

Why won’t the outraged rhetoric result in more changes For starters, the Bush Administration warns that any rush to legislate corporate behavior could produce a raft of flawed bills that raise costs without halting abuses. Business has striven to drive the point home with an intense lobbying blitz that has convinced many lawmakers that over-regulation could startle the stock market and perhaps endanger the nascent economic recovery.

All this sets the stage for Washington to get busy with predictably modest results. A surge of caution is sweeping would-be reformers on the Hill. "They know they don’t want to make a big mistake," says Jerry J. Jasinowski, president of the National Association of Manufacturers. That go-slow approach suits the White House. Aides say the President, while personally disgusted by Enron’s sellout of its pensioners, is reluctant to embrace new sanctions that frustrate even law-abiding corporations and create a litigation bonanza for trial lawyers. Instead, the White House will push for narrowly targeted action, most of it carried out by the SEC, the Treasury Dept. , and the Labor Dept. The right outcome, Treasury Secretary Paul H. O’Neill said on Mar. 15, "depends on the Congress not legislating things that are over the top."

To O’Neill and Bush, that means enforcing current laws before passing too many new ones. Nowhere is that stance clearer than in the Andersen indictment. So the Bush Administration left the decision to Justice Dept. prosecutors rather than White House political operatives or their reformist fellows at the SEC.

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